The Prominence of Henry Kissinger as PI-40’s Master Strategist

There is significant evidence that Nazi Germany had partially succeeded in reverse engineering downed extraterrestrial craft that had been discovered by Nazi authorities in the mid 1930’s. [38] The partly successful efforts by top Nazi scientists in understanding and reverse engineering this ET technology was a major factor in Nazi Germany’s advanced weapons technology program and prolongation of the war effort in order to fully deploy these new weapons systems. At the conclusion of the Second World War, a top secret effort to repatriate the same Nazi scientists in order to utilize their expertise was begun by US Army’s Counter Intelligence Corps. ‘Operation Paperclip’, as this secret effort was called, involved the removal of hundreds of Nazi scientists to the well funded military-scientific laboratories created to produce weapons for the war effort. [39] A little known figure in ‘Operation Paperclip’ was a young German speaking US Army intelligence officer with a German Jewish background - Henry Kissinger.

Kissinger was born in Fuerth Germany on May 27, 1923, and served in the Army Counterintelligence Corps from 1943-46. At the close of World War II, he stayed on active duty in occupied West Germany. He was assigned to the 970th Counter Intelligence Corps Detachment, among whose ‘official’ functions included the recruitment of ex-Nazi intelligence officers for anti-Soviet operations inside the Soviet bloc. [40] Kissinger’s detachment, in reality, was playing a key role in ‘Operation Paperclip’ - a role that would mark him out in military intelligence circles as someone who had the keen intellect and strategic thinking abilities that could handle the most important strategic policy issue facing the US - how best to respond to the ET presence. [41]

Kissinger returned to the US, and in 1947 began his university education as an undergraduate at Harvard University. Kissinger, however, retained his ties to the military, as a Captain in the Military Intelligence Reserves. This enabled him to continue to play a role in issues pertaining to the ET presence as the policy at the highest level of the Truman administration was being developed. By 1950, Kissinger was now a graduate student and was working part time for the Department of Defense. He regularly commuted to Washington - as a consultant to its Operations Research Office which was under the direct control of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Operations Research Office ‘officially’ conducted highly classified studies on such topics as the utilization of former German operatives and Nazi partisan supporters in CIA clandestine activities. Kissinger’s official duties were once again a cover for his role in coordinating the recruitment and utilization of former Nazi scientists in clandestine projects involving the reverse engineering of ET technology, and dealing with a range of intelligence and strategic issues surrounding the ET presence.

In I952, after completing his PhD, Kissinger became a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board, an operating arm of the National Security Council for covert psychological and paramilitary operations. Thus Kissinger’s role expanded to dealing with the extensive policy issues surrounding the ET presence. Kissinger’s inside knowledge of Operation Paperclip and the ET presence, combined with his strategic thinking abilities, marked him as someone who would rapidly assume a prominent position in the decision making hierarchy surrounding the ET presence. As a member of the Council of Foreign Relations, Kissinger would undoubtedly have come to the attention of its most prominent members as someone who could provide leadership on how to respond to the ET presence.

In 1954, President Eisenhower appointed Nelson Rockefeller his Special Assistant for Cold War Planning, a position that officially involved the ‘monitoring and approval of covert CIA operations’. This was a cover for Rockefeller’s true role as head of MJ-12; and most importantly, directing US foreign policy in the wake of a ‘secret treaty’ signed between an ET race from the Orion Constellation and the US. [42] The ‘treaty’ has been a source of much speculation but its existence and content has been revealed by a number of former military and government intelligence ‘whistleblowers’. [43]

In 1955, Kissinger became a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board - the highest policy-making board for implementing clandestine operations against foreign governments. Kissinger’s analytical and strategic skills were used not only for coordinating US policy in clandestine operations against foreign governments, but also for the clandestine operations against ET races. [44] Kissinger’s role in the clandestine operations, his close relationship with Nelson Rockefeller, his intellectual abilities, all combined to lead to a steady increase in his influence. Rockefeller and others running clandestine organizations understood the danger in not coordinating clandestine policy towards ET races and reverse engineering, with the more conventional foreign policy issues that were the focus of public attention.

Coordinating the extensive range of issues and problems would require someone with the strategic thinking abilities to coordinate these two arenas. Kissinger’s abilities marked him out in the mind of Rockefeller, the Executive Committee from the Council of Foreign Relations, and military intelligence, as the person best qualified for this critical role. Rockefeller was instrumental in appointing Kissinger as one of the two Directors of PI-40, the Study Group that would provide policy advice to MJ-12 in response to the Treaty signed with the ET race from Orion in particular, and the ET presence more generally. [45]

As a Director and key strategist of PI-40, Kissinger would certainly have been aware of the need to politically manage the ET presence through ensuring the autonomy of MJ-12 and PI-40 and to render efforts of executive oversight ineffective. More importantly, MJ-12/PI-40 had steadily grown in institutional authority and power to the extent that it could now exert political influence over the executive branch of government. Strongly influencing, if not outright control of, successive Presidential administrations was viewed to be a critical part of how the ET presence had to be politically managed, effectively dismantling the executive oversight that was such a prominent feature of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.

What contributed to this need for MJ-12 to control/influence future administrations is the irony that while most policy national security officials, politicians, the news media and the public, believed that the Soviet Union was the primary threat to US Security, in fact the US was secretly cooperating extensively with the Soviet Union in responding to the ET presence. This meant that beneath the official Cold War rhetoric and armed conflicts that consumed public attention and resources, clandestine cooperation was occurring against what was perceived to be a common threat. [46] In short, the US and USSR were strategic allies as far as addressing the ET presence was concerned, while simultaneously being strategic competitors in the geo-politics of the Cold War. This meant that much of the animosity that characterized the Cold War was a charade that helped divert the general public away from what was really happening. Such a charade could only work if the most senior officials within the Presidential administration were familiar with the ET presence, so as to moderate more bellicose policy makers who believed the Cold War was for real, and were fully ready to use nuclear weapons against the Soviet Union in response to a perceived attack.

Influencing successive Presidential administrations could be achieved by embedding key PI-40 members in senior policy positions of incoming Presidential administrations so as to ensure non-disclosure of the ET presence, and moderating Cold War hostilities. For the Kennedy/Johnson administrations, this individual was McGeorge Bundy, one of the original members of PI-40, who upon becoming National Security Advisor would have become the chair of MJ-12. [47] In the case of the future Nixon administration, this would be achieved by embedding within it an even more prominent PI-40 member who could control President Nixon when necessary.

For the Nixon administration, this person would be no other than Henry Kissinger who was plucked out of public obscurity in 1968 to be appointed National Security Advisor of President-elect Nixon. The instrumental figure in Kissinger’s appointment was Nelson Rockefeller who had lost to Nixon in the 1968 Republican convention, and subsequently arranged for his protégé to become part of Nixon’s team. [48] Kissinger was intent on centralizing foreign policy making in the White House and the National Security Council, thereby ensuring him a central role in shaping not only US foreign policy, but also clandestine policy towards ET races in his new role as Director of MJ-12. Given his long history as a Director of the Special Studies Group/PI-40 since its formation, Kissinger would have been the most experienced and powerful head of MJ-12 since Nelson Rockefeller. [49]

In Seymour Hersh’s critical biography of Kissinger’s political managerial style during the Vietnam era, what emerges is that Kissinger was intent on amassing as much power as possible in managing international affairs. [50] Kissinger systematically undermined the positions of others who could pose a threat to his control of international affairs, especially that of the new Secretary of State, William Rogers, and other key policy makers in the Nixon administration. [51] Kissinger emerges in Hershe’s biography as a political figure paranoid about ceding power to others who in his view lacked the subtlety and acumen in dealing with critical foreign policy issues. Kissinger’s managerial style was to ensure that all information passed through him as the principal filter for shaping Nixon’s priorities and thinking on foreign policy. A passage from a former Kissinger aide, Morton Halperin, reveals Kissinger’s political managerial style:

On January 25, 1969, five days into the administration, the NSC was convened for its first meeting. The issue was Vietnam, and Halperin, now clearly Kissinger’s top aide, was assigned to summarize all the papers and prepare a covering memorandum for the President. He carefully listed the various options in the two- or three-page summary, leaving boxes for the President to initial his choices. The idea was to reduce the President’s workload: If Nixon chose not to read the attached documents, he could merely review Halperin’s summary (which, of course, came with Kissinger’s imprimatur) and make his decision. Henry loved summary and thought it was terrific. But, ‘Mort,’ he said, ‘you haven’t told the President what options we should choose.’”
“I thought to myself,” Halperin recalls, “we’re not supposed to be giving positions; we’re just supposed to send summaries of the options.” Years later, Halperin would realize how naïve he had been: “Henry had been publicly saying that we were just going to sort out the issues for the President. I didn’t know that Henry wanted to give him the decisions he should take. I was surprised—because I still believed what Henry had said.” The Kissinger summary papers, with their recommendations, would become the most secret documents in the Nixon White House. [52]

Kissinger’s political managerial style while in government is very significant since it provides insight into how decision making in PI-40 was conducted under Kissinger as the Study group director, and later in MJ-12 when he become its head during the Nixon/Ford administrations. [53]

Kissinger’s role in guiding US foreign policy was dictated by his philosophy of ‘realpolitik’. Realpolitik was modeled after his favorite international statesman, 19th century German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismark, who skillfully managed international alliances and limited wars to transform Prussia/Germany into a great power without provoking an international alliance against Germany. [54] For Bismark, international politics was a grand chess board where morality and sentiment played at best a secondary role, and what really mattered was the skillful use of one’s resources in achieving one’s strategic objective of maximizing power. [55] ‘Realpolitik’ dominated Kissinger’s approach to international politics as evidenced in places such as Laos, Cambodia, Chile and East Timor where morality and sentiment played no role in these countries treatment as pawns in the grand game of international chess where the US competed with the Soviet Union to maximize its geo-political power, while simultaneously cooperating strategically in responding to the ET presence .

Little known to the general public, however, Kissinger adopted the same role in steering US policy in how it would respond to the ET presence. Morality and sentiment would play at best a secondary role as the US gradually improved its resources in order to increase its strategic position vis-à-vis the ET races visiting Earth. The moral orientation of these ET races that interacted with humanity and the clandestine organizations that were aware of ET activities were not given great emphasis in Kissinger’s realpolitik concerning the ET presence. What mattered was the extent to which ET races would provide resources for US clandestine organizations to improve their weapons technology and thus improve the US’s strategic position vis-à-vis different ET races. Kissinger’s realpolitik was the way in which the complex political, social, economic and environment issues would be managed vis-à-vis the ET presence. Kissinger’s role would be similar to his 19th century hero, Bismark, Kissinger would play a key role in transforming the US into the dominant global power that could deal with ET races as an equal, without sparking a damaging interplanetary war with one or more of the ET races that would spell the end for US sovereignty and freedom. Kissinger’s close association with the Rockefeller family ensured that Corporate America would continue to play a prominent role in the political management of the ET presence.

With Kissinger, during the Nixon administration, simultaneously playing prominent roles in US foreign policy and its clandestine ‘interplanetary policy’ through MJ-12/PI-40, what emerges is that the political management of the ET presence was dominated by a few individuals intent on amassing as much institutional power as possible, and not delegating authority to those outside of MJ-12/PI-40 who were viewed to lack the necessary experience, political sophistication and intellect in dealing with the complexities of the ET presence. Eisenhower’s warning that the political management of the ET presence was “not in the best hands” now appeared prophetic.

Political Impotence of the Carter and Clinton Administrations and the Threat posed by Reagan

The election of Jimmy Carter in 1976, brought in a new Democratic President who had declared that he would reveal the truth about the ET presence once in office. Carter was the first US President who was on the public record as having witnessed a UFO. [56] Carter, however, would find that as President, he would be unable to determine the full extent of US clandestine programs focused on the ET presence, far less have any power to influence how to politically manage the ET presence. Even though his National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski was one of the first directors of PI-40 and would have now taken over the chair of MJ-12 from Kissinger, Carter and his principal advisors found that they were simply denied the necessary information on the ET presence making it painfully clear that executive oversight of the ET presence was non-existent. [57]

A project funded by the Carter administration in May 1977 through the Stanford Research Institute (SRI) to explore Extraterrestrial Communication was terminated four months later through Pentagon pressure. The Pentagon simply threatened the directors of the SRI that it would terminate projects the Pentagon funded for SRI if the later went ahead with the White House Center. [58] After the debacle over its Extraterrestrial Communication project, Carter and his senior advisors quickly recognized they were ‘minor players’ as far as the ET presence was concerned. Indeed, this lack of ability to politically manage ET affairs, may well have been a critical factor in the Iranian revolution that did so much to undermine Carter’s reelection chances. [59]

The Republican electoral campaign of 1980 brought with it a new dimension to the political management of the ET presence. Ronald Reagan came into the campaign as a crusading anti-communist with fixed views that only negotiating from a position of military strength was the means of countering the Soviet threat to global democracy. Privately, however, Reagan had a similar perspective on the ET presence and what he viewed as the need to negotiate from a position of strength vis-à-vis the ‘ET threat to humanity’. [60]

Like his predecessor, President Carter, Reagan had an encounter with UFO’s. [61] Unlike Carter, however, he developed a strong belief that the ET presence was a threat to humanity that had to be militarily contained. In contrast, his opponent in the Republican Primaries, former CIA Director George Bush, brought with him a more moderate Republican ideology – an ideology that was more consistent with the views of MJ-12/PI-40, which Bush had previously been a member of, and of Henry Kissinger who was by now the undisputed master strategist for MJ-12/PI-40 with nearly 40 years experience in dealing with the ET presence. The election of Reagan over Bush would certainly have come as a disappointment to Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 not only in terms of it bring in another ‘outsider’ who impacted the ability of MJ-12/PI-40 to politically manage the ET presence, but also because it allowed a dangerous element to emerge in the clandestine effort to manage this presence.

MJ-12/PI-40, under Kissinger, was fully aware of the complexities of the ET presence in terms of different races and orientations, and ensuring that interaction with the numerous clandestine organizations embedded in the different military organizations and intelligence agencies coordinated in a way that maintained a ‘global balance of power’. What Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 were most concerned about was the danger of clandestine organizations in the US military and/or intelligence services engaging in a dangerous confrontation with ET races that could degenerate into a large scale hostilities leading to a ‘war of the worlds’. As the master ‘Bismarkian’ strategist, Kissinger was concerned to maintain the ‘balance of power’ while simultaneously advancing the strategic position of the US vis-a-vis ET races. PI-40, again under the leadership of Kissinger after having served his full term as head of MJ-12, was therefore intent on containing any ‘military adventurism’ on the part of clandestine organizations in the US military that were at best too confrontational, or at worst infiltrated by ET races intent on initiating global confrontation. [62] What most concerned MJ-12/PI-40 was the possibility that a Presidential administration could be unduly influenced by clandestine military organizations that either were prone to military adventurism and/or been infiltrated by ET races.

Soon after his election, Reagan demonstrated a rigid belief of the nature of the ET threat, and laced many of his public statements referring to the ET presence and its threat to humanity. [63] According to Dixon Davis, one of the two CIA agents appointed to brief Reagan when he was President-elect: "The problem with Ronald Reagan was that all his ideas were all fixed. He thought that he knew about everything --he was an old dog." [64]

Reagan’s anti-communist rhetoric and massive buildup of military forces was a cover for Reagan’s true desire to militarily confront ET races. [65] His first major public comment on an ET threat occurred at a 1985 US-Soviet Summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev at Geneva when he said:

I couldn’t help but - when you stop to think that we’re all God’s children, wherever we live in the world, I couldn’t help but say to him (Gorbachev) just how easy his task and mine might be if suddenly there was a threat to this world from some other species from another planet outside in the universe. We’d forget all the little local differences that we have between our countries and we would find out once and for all that we really are all human beings here on this Earth together. Well I guess we can wait for some alien race to come down and threaten us, but I think that between us we can bring about that realization. [66]

If his unscheduled comment at a US-Soviet Summit were not itself a provocative enough expression of Reagan’s views on the possible threat of an ET presence, then his speech to the Forty-Second UN General Assembly of the United Nations on September 21, 1987, was even more provocative and disturbing in its implications:

In our obsession with antagonisms of the moment, we often forget how much unites all the members of humanity. Perhaps we need some outside, universal threat to make us recognize this common bond. I occasionally think how quickly our differences worldwide would vanish if we were facing an alien threat from outside of this world. And yet I ask - is not an alien force already among us? [67]

For Colonel Phillip Corso, and other conservative military officers, Reagan was a hero who knew how to best respond to the ET presence – a global defensive shield that could shoot down ET craft anywhere around the planet. [68] The Strategic Defense Initiative had little to do with shooting down ballistic nuclear missiles, and really was part of a planetary shield desired by clandestine organizations in the military wanting to militarily confront the ET presence.

Reagan’s conservative political philosophy and public statements on the need for a massive military build up to the Soviet threat, were allusions to the perceived danger of an ET invasion. Reagan and his political advisors were considered by Kissinger, Brzezinski, and others in MJ-12/PI-40, a threat to the political management of the ET presence and to the tenuous peace that existed between clandestine organizations around the planet and ET races. Given the gravity of Reagan’s fixed views and the implications for managing the ET presence, it is very likely groups responsive to the concerns of PI-40 played a role in attempting to have Reagan removed from public office and replaced by an MJ-12/PI-40 member, George Bush, the Vice President and former head of the CIA. The Hinkley assassination attempt in 1981 was possibly an attempt by organizations loosely linked with PI-40 to either remove or intimidate Reagan so as to prevent what could have been a disastrous unraveling of the covert global cooperation in managing the ET presence. [69] The eventual result of the assassination attempt was that the Reagan administration’s militaristic impulses were sufficiently restrained so as to ensure that no military confrontation with ET races would spiral out of control.

The 1988 election of George Bush once again allowed MJ-12/PI-40 to again dominate the strategic thinking of a Presidential administration. As a former member of MJ-12/PI-40, Bush was all too aware of the need to politically manage the ET presence in the mould dictated by Kissinger during the Nixon administration. Indeed, Kissinger’s support was critical in the appointment of Bush to become the Director of the CIA in 1975, and his ‘promotion’ to MJ-12 from PI-40, not long after the Watergate scandal had begun to subside. [70] Public secrecy, monopolizing decision making power in MJ-12/PI-40, maintaining the balance of power, and continuing to reverse ET technology for weapons acquisition, and maintaining the prominent role of Corporate America in dealing with the ET presence, were the keys to politically managing the ET presence.

MJ-12/PI-40 was certainly content with its influence under the Bush administration and there is evidence that international events were managed in a way that would support the 1992 reelection of President Bush. The ‘End of the Cold War’ was certainly a ‘gift’ to the Bush administration that normally would have ensured a second election victory for an administration enjoying such a tremendous foreign policy success. [71] The successful outcome of the Gulf War in 1991 was similarly an event that would have normally secured a successful reelection campaign. The outcome of the 1992 Presidential election appeared so certain, that prominent Democrats decided not to run and viewed 1996 as the best time for a Presidential campaign.

The election of President Clinton was certainly a surprise development for MJ-12/PI-40 and once again had the effect of placing an ‘outsider’ in the White House. Clinton, like Carter before him, soon found out that he had minimal influence over the political management of the ET presence. Even more disturbing, his senior political officials including the Director of Central Intelligence, James Woolsey, and Secretary of Defense, William Cohen, had little knowledge of the ET presence. [72] Stephen Greer narrated the following exchange he had with a famous astronaut:

Recently I was in Washington meeting with a very famous astronaut. Everyone would know this person’s name . . . This particular astronaut had during his career been in possession of a very specific piece of incontrovertible piece of evidence related to UFOs. It is something that if disclosed would be clear and definitive. This astronaut described how he had approached and worked directly with President Clinton’s Secretary of Defense William Cohen to look into and retrieve from classified projects this specific piece of evidence - of that which he had all the specific details. . .the words used by this astronaut to me were "there was an inordinate large amount of money and personal time by the Secretary of Defense William Cohen was spent to locate this evidence, and he was never given access to it." [73]

This suggested that many of those sitting in MJ-12/PI-40, were hangovers from the Bush administration, and Clinton’s political appointments were not trusted to maintain secrecy. Clinton’s efforts to extract information from clandestine organizations proved fruitless as evidenced in the following quote from William Laparl, who worked with the CIA in the early days of the Clinton Administration:

It was known among the high CIA people, and the people who had contact with these people, that the Clintons were on the prowl for UFOs. Bill Clinton had been asking anyone who would listen to him, to tell him the secret. You know, he would get some Admiral in there, and say "By the way, tell me the UFO secret." They would just look at him like "What planet are you from?"[74]  

Clinton’s interest and efforts to gain information on the ET presence and clandestine projects were a threat to MJ-12/PI-40 insofar as Clinton’s initiatives threatened the veil of secrecy that had been existing since the 1940’s. More importantly, Clinton’s efforts may well have been viewed as the initial stages of an attempt to re-establish executive oversight. It is not to difficult to surmise that many of Clinton’s political problems were a result of clandestine efforts to distract the Clinton administration, and ensure minimal support for his domestic policies. Clinton became resigned to serving his term with only minimal knowledge of the ET presence, and without having any serious impact on how to politically manage the ET presence. His remarks to a question from a Northern Ireland teenager in November 1995 testify to his political impotence on the ET presence:

I got a letter from 13-year-old Ryan from Belfast. Now, Ryan, if you're out in the crowd tonight, here's the answer to your question. No, as far as I know, an alien spacecraft did not crash in Roswell, New Mexico, in 1947. (Laughter.) And, Ryan, if the United States Air Force did recover alien bodies, they didn't tell me about it, either, and I want to know. (Applause.) [75]

The election of George W. Bush in 2000 once again led to an insider, or at least an insider’s loyal son, to be in the White House. George Bush, Sr., would henceforth play a key role in steering his son, who lacked the kind of intellectual qualities to be a member of PI-40 or Council on Foreign Affairs, in his own right, but served as a useful figurehead that could gain the loyalty of the American public in ways that the more urbane and sophisticated George Bush Snr., and Nelson Rockefeller before him, never could. This set the stage for a new phase in the political management of the ET presence, the takeover of a foreign country for purposes exclusively to do with the strategic advantage this would provide in politically managing the ET presence.