CHAPTER 4

Reds

I am appalled at the extensive evidence indicating that there is today in the UN among the American employees there, the greatest concentration of Communists that this Committee has ever encountered.... These people occupy high positions. They have very high salaries and almost all of these people have, in the past, been employees in the U.S. government in high and sensitive positions.1

• U.S. Senator James O. Eastland,

Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN Hearings, Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 1952

The creation of the United Nations, as we saw in the previous chapter, was the culmination of an intensive campaign begun in the early days of this century by those who could only be described as the pillars of the American Establishment. Names like Carnegie, Morgan, Warburg, Schiff, Marburg, and Rockefeller headed the list of those promoting “world order.”


It is interesting then, though a source of confusion to many, to learn that not only were the ideas of world government in general and the League of Nations and United Nations in particular especially fond goals of these “arch-capitalists,” but they were also the ultimate objects of desire for world socialist and communist movements. This is not idle speculation but a matter of historical record so overwhelmingly evident as to hardly need proving. Unfortunately, that record is not widely known.

 

As long ago as 1915, before the Bolshevik Revolution, Lenin himself proposed a “United States of the World.”2 In 1936, the official program of the Communist International proclaimed:

“Dictatorship can be established only by a victory of socialism in different countries or groups of countries, after which the proletariat republics would unite on federal lines with those already in existence, and this system of federal unions would expand ... at length forming the World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics.”3

Shortly after the founding of the UN, in March of 1946, Soviet dictator and mass-murderer Joseph Stalin declared: “I attribute great importance to U.N.O. [United Nations Organization, as it was then commonly called] since it is a serious instrument for preservation of peace and international security.”4 The American communists, too, left no doubt about their commitment to Soviet-style, one-world government.

 

In his 1932 book Toward Soviet America, William Z. Foster, national chairman of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), wrote:

The American Soviet government will join with the other Soviet governments in a world Soviet Union.... Not christianity [sic] but Communism will bring peace on earth. A Communist world will be a unified, organized world. The economic system will be one great organization, based upon the principle of planning now dawning in the U.S.S.R. The American Soviet government will be an important section in this world organization.5

Earl Browder, general secretary of the CPUSA, stated in his book, Victory and After, that “the American Communists worked energetically and tirelessly to lay the foundations for the United Nations which we were sure would come into existence.”6 Moreover, this leader of the American Reds declared:

It can be said, without exaggeration, that ever closer relations between our nation and the Soviet Union are an unconditional requirement for the United Nations as a world coalition....7

The United Nations is the instrument for victory. Victory is required for the survival of our nation. The Soviet Union is an essential part of the United Nations. Mutual confidence between our country and the Soviet Union and joint work in the leadership of the United Nations are absolutely necessary.8 Some indication of the importance the Kremlin attached to the creation of the UN can be gained from the April 1945 issue of Political Affairs, its official mouthpiece in the United States directed principally at Party members.

 

The American comrades were told:

After the Charter is passed at San Francisco, it will have to be approved by two thirds of the Senate, and this action will establish a weighty precedent for other treaties and agreements still to come. But the victory cannot be won in the Senate alone; it must emanate from the organized and broadening national support built up for the President’s policy, on the eve of the San Francisco gathering and after.... Great popular support and enthusiasm for the United Nations policies should be built up, well organized and fully articulate. But it is also necessary to do more than that. The opposition must be rendered so impotent that it will be unable to gather any significant support in the Senate against the United Nations Charter and the treaties which will follow.9

Support for the UN was even written into the Communist Party’s basic document. The preamble to the constitution of the Communist Party, USA states:

The Communist party of the United States ... fights uncompromisingly against ... all forms of chauvinism.... It holds further that the true national interest of our country and the cause of peace and progress require ... the strengthening of the United Nations as a universal instrument of peace.10

We have also the testimony of many former communists which reveals the value the Party placed on the world organization. In her autobiography, School of Darkness, former top CPUSA official Dr. Bella Dodd told of her role in the Party’s campaign for the UN:

When the Yalta conference had ended, the Communists prepared to support the United Nations Charter which was to be adopted at the San Francisco conference to be held in May and June, 1945. For this I organized a corps of speakers and we took to the street corners and held open-air meetings in the millinery and clothing sections of New York where thousands of people congregate at the lunch hour. We spoke of the need for world unity and in support of the Yalta decisions.11

Another former top Communist Party member, Joseph Z. Kornfeder, revealed in 1955:

Now, as to the United Nations. If you were, let’s say, a building engineer, and someone were to show you a set of blueprints about a certain building, you would know from those blueprints how that building was going to look. Organization “blueprints” can be read the same way. I need not be a member of the United Nations Secretariat to know that the UN “blueprint” is a Communist one. I was at the Moscow headquarters of the world Communist party for nearly three years and was acquainted with most of the top leaders, and, of course, I was also a leading party worker. I went to their colleges; I learned their pattern of operations, and if I see that pattern in effect anywhere, I can recognize it....

 

From the point of view of its master designers meeting at Dumbarton Oaks and Bretton Woods, and which included such masterful agents as Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, Lauchlin Currie, and others, the UN was, and is, not a failure. They and the Kremlin masterminds behind them never intended the UN as a peace-keeping organization. What they had in mind was a fancy and colossal Trojan horse under the wings of which their smaller agencies could more effectively operate. And in that they succeeded, even beyond their expectations....


Its [the UN’s] internal setup, Communist designed, is a pattern for sociological conquest; a pattern aimed to serve the purpose of Communist penetration of the West. It is ingenious and deceptive.12

Two years earlier (1953), a congressional committee heard testimony from Colonel Jan Bukar, a Czechoslovakian intelligence officer who had defected to the West. Among the revelations he supplied was a lecture given by Soviet General Bondarenko at the Frunze Military Academy in Moscow. In that lecture, Bondarenko told the elite trainees:

“From the rostrum of the United Nations, we shall convince the colonial and semicolonial people to liberate themselves and to spread the Communist theory all over the world.”13

Kornfeder was not suffering delusions when he claimed to see a communist design and a “pattern for sociological conquest” in the UN’s setup. The historical record amply demonstrates that American citizens who were conscious Soviet agents operating at high levels of the U.S. government were very instrumental in the planning and formation of both the United Nations Charter and the organization itself.

 

State Department and Treasury Department officials who were key figures in planning the UN, and who were later exposed during official investigations as Soviet agents, include:14

  1. Soloman Adler

  2. Virginius Frank Coe

  3. Lawrence Duggan

  4. Noel Field

  5. Harold Glasser

  6. Alger Hiss

  7. Irving Kaplan

  8. Victor Perlo

  9. Abraham G. Silverman

  10. Nathan G. Silvermaster

  11. William H. Taylor

  12. William L. Ullman

  13. John Carter Vincent

  14. Henry Julian Wadleigh

  15. David Weintraub

  16. Harry Dexter White


The UN’s Top Men

 

As we have noted, the first secretary-general of the United Nations at the organization’s founding conference was Alger Hiss. Since that time, six other men have held the position of secretary-general, the highest office in the world organization. Each of these individuals has advanced the causes of world communism and world government, while endangering American sovereignty and liberty. Because the leaders of any group tell much about the organization they represent, the records of each of these men deserve close examination. Unfortunately, we have space here for only a very brief look at the men who have led the UN.


Alger Hiss. As far back as 1939, the FBI had presented solid evidence concerning Hiss’s Communist activities to the executive branch. It continued to issue repeated warnings concerning him. But, as had happened in so many previous cases and would continue to occur with a frequency that became an established pattern, the reports were disregarded. In 1944, Hiss was made acting director of the State Department’s Office of Special Political Affairs in charge of all postwar planning. He was the executive secretary of the critically important 1944 Dumbarton Oaks Conference, where Stalin’s expert Vyacheslav Molotov and “our” expert Hiss worked together on the UN Charter.

 

It was Hiss who accompanied President Roosevelt to the infamous Yalta Conference, where he served as the dying President’s “top international organization specialist.” It was at that conference in the Soviet Crimea during February 1945 that FDR agreed to give the Soviets three votes in the UN General Assembly to our one. As critics pointed out when that secret agreement became known, giving the Soviets separate votes for the Ukraine and Byelorussia made as much sense as giving extra votes to the United States for Texas and California.


It was Hiss’s starring role at San Francisco, however, that was most important. As the acting secretary-general, he was the chief planner and executive of that conference. Time magazine, reporting about Hiss and the upcoming conference, stated in its April 16, 1945 issue: “As secretary-general, managing the agenda, he will have a lot to say behind the scenes about who gets the breaks.” At San Francisco, Hiss also served on the steering and executive committees, which put the finishing touches on the UN Charter. And it was Alger Hiss, who at the conclusion of the conference, personally carried the new charter back to Washington for Senate ratification.


Hiss was later exposed as a Soviet spy, and in 1950 was convicted for perjuring himself before a federal Grand Jury while being questioned about his communist activities.15 The statute of limitations on his espionage charges had run out, but he served 44 months in the federal penitentiary for the perjury charges. His trial was one of the most celebrated in American history. Not only did communists, socialists, liberals, and radical leftists turn out to support Hiss, so too did the CFR-dominated Establishment media.


As we have noted, Hiss was himself a member of the CFR. Following his stint at the UN founding in San Francisco, he was named president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The man responsible for hiring him was the chairman of the Endowment, John Foster Dulles, a founder of the CFR. Dulles, who would later serve as Secretary of State (1953-59), was informed of Hiss’s communist background in 1946, but ignored this information until February 1948, just one month before Hiss went before the Grand Jury.16


Trygve Lie. The first elected secretary-general of the United Nations, Trygve Lie, was a Norwegian socialist. Lie was a high-ranking member of the Social Democratic Labor Party in Norway, an offshoot of the early Communist International, and a strong supporter of the Soviet Union on virtually every issue. It was hardly surprising then that the Soviet Union led the campaign to elect Lie as secretary-general. One of Lie’s principal causes was the admission of Red China to the UN, which was also a primary objective of the Soviet Union.


Dag Hammarskjšld. Lie was succeeded by another Scandinavian socialist who was openly sympathetic to the world communist revolution. Hammarskjšld once stated in a letter to a friend that “... Chou En-lai to me appears as the most superior brain I have so far met in the field of foreign politics.” This he spoke of the man who, together with Mao Tse-tung, was responsible for the murder of between 34 million and 64 million Chinese.17 It was Hammarskjšld who was primarily responsible for the early planning and direction of the UN’s brutal war against Katanga (see Chapter 2).

 

When Soviet troops invaded Hungary to crush the 1956 uprising, Hammarskjšld turned a deaf ear to the Hungarian freedom fighters. As secretary-general, he persecuted the courageous Danish UN diplomat Povl Bang-Jensen, who refused to turn over the names of Hungarian refugees who had testified in confidence to a special UN committee. U Thant. Burmese Marxist U Thant continued and intensified an anti-American, pro-Soviet tradition begun by his predecessors. While ignoring the massive human rights abuses — torture, slaughter, imprisonment — of the communist regimes, Thant slavishly followed the Soviet line by condemning Rhodesia and South Africa as terrible human rights violators.

 

During the Vietnam War, Thant continually used the rostrum of the Secretariat to place the blame for the war on the United States. Secretary-General Thant revealed a great deal about both himself and the organization which he headed with his statement in 1970 that the “ideals” of Bolshevik dictator and mass-murderer Lenin were in accord with the UN Charter.


“Lenin was a man with a mind of great clarity and incisiveness,” Thant said, “and his ideas have had a profound influence on the course of contemporary history.” The Burmese Marxist continued: “[Lenin’s] ideals of peace and peaceful coexistence among states have won widespread international acceptance and they are in line with the aims of the U.N. Charter.”18 For his personal staff assistant, Thant chose Soviet KGB officer Viktor Lessiovsky with whom he had established a friendship in the early 1950s.19 Kurt Waldheim.

 

When U Thant retired on December 31, 1971, the Soviet Union was ready with a replacement. Austrian Kurt Waldheim was its choice, and for good reason. He had deep, dark secrets that would assure his usefulness to them. During World War II, Waldheim not only wore the uniform of the Third Reich, but also worked with Yugoslavian communist leader Tito.

“As soon as he was safely in office [as UN secretary-general], Waldheim planted over 250 Russians in key posts,” revealed foreign affairs expert Hilaire du Berrier. “His immediate circle was composed almost completely of Titoists.... When Tito met his old friend at the UN, he hugged him to his breast and gave him a decoration — a great honor for a man who had massacred Serbs, Slovenes, Montenegrans and other Yugoslavs.”20

During his reign as secretary-general, the Establishment media kept Waldheim’s Nazi-Communist past under wraps.


During the 1970s, while Waldheim was praising communist dictators and dictatorships, The John Birch Society, through its publications, was virtually the only source for this important information about the Secretary-General’s background.21 Finally, in 1986, the New York Times and other CFR media “discovered” the Waldheim Nazi connection, when the by-that-time “former” secretary-general was running for president of Austria.


Javier Perez de Cuellar. This Peruvian diplomat took the UN helm in 1981 and is credited with greatly burnishing the UN image. “Under his tutelage,” said Wall Street Journal reporter Frederick Kempe, “the U.N. has been midwife to more peace agreements than ever before.”22 Perez de Cuellar helped convene and also addressed the Global Forum of Spiritual and Parliamentary Leaders on Human Survival, the New Age-ecology-world religion confab convened by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990.

 

He penned the Foreword to the radical socialist New Age publication, Gaia Peace Atlas.23 Perez de Cuellar has distinguished himself as a man of “peace.” Like the other men who have held his post, however, he finds it impossible to condemn communist oppression. Speaking of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, an event that occurred during his watch at the UN, Perez de Cuellar has said: “Tiananmen was exaggerated. I think it was a really cruel oppression, but from there to say it was a tremendous, dramatic, tragic violation of human rights is an exaggeration.”24 If an estimated 5,000 dead, 10,000 wounded, the subsequent torture and imprisonment of tens of thousands, and the execution of a still unknown number do not qualify as a “tremendous, dramatic, tragic violation of human rights,” what does?


Boutros Boutros-Ghali. A former professor of international relations, Boutros-Ghali began his political career in the regime of the pro-Soviet Egyptian dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser. As editor of the official Economic Ahram, it was his job to give credibility to the communistic ideas of the Nasser revolution. As with all of the men who have held the UN’s top post, Boutros-Ghali had the support of the communists. As we have previously noted (Chapter 2), Boutros-Ghali has initiated revolutionary advances in the UN’s march toward world government. He has called for the forming of a permanent UN Army and is pressing for taxing authority for the UN globocrats.

 


Espionage and Propaganda


Through the decades, communist leaders and their clients certainly have used the United Nations for world propaganda, as advocated by Soviet General Bondarenko. Red dictators and terrorists from Khrushchev, Tito, and Ceaucescu to Nkrumah, Castro, Lumumba, Arafat, and Mandela have been honored with rousing ovations at the UN. Their anti-American tirades have been broadcast to the world from that forum of “world peace and brotherhood.”


The Communists’ use of the UN as a principal center of espionage against the United States has been exposed time and again. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover stated in 1963 that communist diplomats assigned to the UN “represent the backbone of Russian intelligence operations in this country.”25 British espionage authority Chapman Pincher has observed:

Because of the protection and cover they afford, all the major United Nations institutions have been heavily penetrated.... Whole books have been published listing the abuse and manipulation of the United Nations by the Soviets. The area most blatantly used for active measures and espionage is the main headquarters in New York.26

Among the many defectors from the communist bloc countries who have testified about the importance of the UN in the Soviet scheme of things is former KGB operative Ladislav Bittman. In his book The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider’s View, Bittman wrote:

The United Nations is an international organization that deserves special attention for the role it plays in overt and clandestine propaganda campaigns conducted by the Soviets. As an organization that helps to shape world public opinion and plays a vital peacekeeping role, the United Nations is a major battlefield for the Soviet Union and the United States.... But the Soviet Union maintains the most impressive intelligence organization, consisting of the largest single concentration of Soviet spies anywhere in the West.... Spying in New York is so pervasive that some diplomats refer to the United Nations as “the stock exchange of global intelligence operations.”27

Arkady Shevchenko, who was an under-secretary-general at the UN when he defected in l978, has described the United Nations as a “gold mine for Russian spying.”28 The most senior Soviet official to defect to the West, Shevchenko was a personal assistant to Soviet Foreign Secretary Andrei Gromyko from 1970 to 1973. He then became Under-Secretary-General for Political and Security Council Affairs at the United Nations. Shevchenko confirmed what anti-communists had been saying all along: The Soviet Politburo regarded dŽtente as simply “a tactical manoeuvre which would in no way supersede the Marxist-Leninist idea of the final victory of the worldwide revolutionary process.”29

 

And the United Nations was continuing to play an essential role in that process.

“In spite of this and other exposures,” said Pincher in 1985, “the International Department and the KGB have not reduced the scale of their operations out of the United Nations and its offshoots, being unable to resist the facility, denied to ordinary diplomats, that renders UN staff free to travel, without restriction, in the countries where they are based.”30

KGB defector Oleg Gordievsky gave a similar assessment:

The size of the KGB presence in both the United States and the UN delegation in New York increased more rapidly at the height of dŽtente than at any other period: from about 120 officers in l970 to 220 in l975. At the very moment when the London residency was being sharply cut back, those in the United States were almost doubling in size.31

It should be of no small concern to American taxpayers to learn that they have been subsidizing these KGB campaigns of espionage, subversion, and disinformation against their own country. In his massive 1974 study, KGB: The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents, John Barron revealed:

The KGB derives still another advantage from placing its officers on the United Nations payroll. Since the United States pays 25 percent of the entire U.N. operating budget, it pays 25 percent of the bountiful salaries granted KGB officers insinuated into U.N. jobs. American taxpayers thus are compelled to finance KGB operations against themselves and the noncommunist world. Moreover, the Soviet Union requires its citizens paid by international organizations to rebate the greater part of their salaries to the government. Thus, it actually makes money each time it plants a KGB officer in the U.N.32

The UN has also proved useful for the opportunity it offers the Soviets to make contact with and transfer funds to their agents in the CPUSA. John Barron’s KGB Today: The Hidden Hand (1983) reported concerning the Soviet modus operandi:

From the United Nations, KGB officers additionally maintain clandestine contact with the U.S. Communist Party, delivering money and instructions in behalf of the International Department. The U.S. Party exists almost entirely on secret Soviet subsidies....33

Considering the fact that locating the UN headquarters in the United States, and in New York City in particular, has afforded the enemies of America unparalleled opportunities for espionage, sabotage, terrorism, propaganda, subversion, and disinformation, it is important to note how the site for the worldbody’s headquarters was chosen. Americans have been encouraged to believe that the decision to build the United Nations in the United States was a great diplomatic coup for our country. Nothing could be more patently false. In reality, it was exactly what the communists and one-worlders wanted. In his book In the Cause of Peace, the UN’s first elected secretary-general described the “long and heated discussions” concerning the future location of the permanent headquarters. Lie and many of his fellow socialists saw the merit of establishing the UN in the U.S. to overcome America’s “isolationism.”

 

Lie asked:

“Why not locate the headquarters of the future international organization within the United States’ own borders, so that the concept of international could match forces on the spot with those of its arch-enemy, isolationism — utilizing at all times the American people’s own democratic media?”34

The Kremlin certainly could see the merit of the plan. Lie wrote:

The Americans declared their neutrality as soon as the Preparatory Commission opened its deliberations. The Russians disappointed most Western Europeans by coming out at once for a site in America....


... Andrei Gromyko of the U.S.S.R. had come out flatly for the United States. As to where in the United States, let the American Government decide, he had blandly told his colleagues. Later the Soviet Union modified its stand to support the east coast.35 Even so, these best-laid plans almost fell apart for lack of funds to purchase a site. At that point, Lie said, he advised New York Mayor William O’Dwyer to “Get in touch with Nelson Rockefeller tonight by phone.” With the help of Nelson Rockefeller (CFR), Lie and his UN team were soon in “secret consultations with the Rockefeller brothers and with their father, John D. Rockefeller, Jr.” In very short order the Rockefellers produced “a gift of $8,500,000 with which to purchase the East River property as a Headquarters site.”36

 

The More Things Change ...


The world’s most famous capitalists provided the Kremlin with an incredible bonanza. But that is all ancient history, according to current prevailing wisdom. As most news stories have it, the Soviet KGB has been disbanded and its archives completely thrown open. The Cold War is now over. Or is it? On October 24, 1991, the Wall Street Journal’s deputy features editor Amity Shlaes commented on evidence indicating that the UN Secretariat headquartered in New York City was still under the domination of old-line communists and Third World Marxist ideologues.

 

Shlaes wrote that rather than becoming,

“the cornerstone in President Bush’s oft-mentioned ‘new world order.’ ... [M]any of those working within the Secretariat, or at its missions in its vicinity, argue that communism left a legacy.... ‘It works like a scorpion’s stinger,’ says one U.N. professional. ‘The scorpion — East bloc socialism — dies. But the stinger remains poisonous, and strikes new victims.’” Shlaes reported that “Westerners who worked at the U.N. ... found themselves surrounded by what many have called a communist mafia.”

The KGB has undergone a number of recent permutations, but to paraphrase Mark Twain, reports of its death are highly exaggerated. Zdzislaw Rurarz, the former Polish ambassador to Japan who defected to the United States in 1981, was one of the few Soviet experts to take notice of Boris Yeltsin’s sinister new security superagency, the MSIA. Rurarz reported in January 1992 that Boris’s MSIA,

“is an amalgam of four previously existing institutions: the USSR MVD, or the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Russian MVD, the ISS, or Interrepublican Security Service, which was mainly the former KGB, and the FSA, the Federal Security Agency, or the Russian equivalent of the former KGB.”

 

“The MSIA has inherited the network of informers and collaborators of the former KGB and ISS which was in place throughout the USSR. Why,” asks Rurarz, “should Russia need such a network in the remaining former Soviet republics, now ‘independent states’?”37

An obvious question — that yields an obvious answer — except to “liberals” who are too busy planning new welfare schemes on which to spend the “peace dividend,” and to “conservatives” who are too busy celebrating and congratulating themselves on their victory over communism.


Commenting on the Kremlin security reshuffling, Albert L. Weeks wrote in April 1992 that the “new” Russian agency under Viktor Barannikov “means that 500,000 officials and informers function today as a separate entity, going about their business largely as before. Thousands of other ex-KGBists work for Yevgeny Primakov, director of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Agency.” Dr. Weeks, professor emeritus of New York University and author of numerous articles and books about the Soviet Union, also noted that “90-95% of middle-ranking KGB officiers remain in the same positions as before the August, 1991, coup attempt, according to a recent defector....”38

 

The “thawing” of U.S.-Russian relations has not ended Communist espionage and disinformation activities in the West. To the contrary, it appears to have added new impetus to these operations in many areas. According to R. Patrick Watson, deputy assistant director of the FBI’s intelligence division, “It is clear that the foreign intelligence threat from the Soviet Union has not abated, and in fact it has become more difficult to counter.”

 

Watson, addressing the National Security Institute on March 13, 1991, said:

“In recent months the KGB has emphasized the recruitment of scientists and businessmen to obtain information of economic value.”

Watson said the KGB and its military counterpart, the GRU, have intensified their efforts and regularly plant their agents in groups of Soviets visiting the United States. A primary task of these agents is to identify Americans with access to technology or information sought by their organizations.39 In October 1992, FBI spokesman Steve Markardt confirmed that the espionage agencies of the East European bloc and the “former” Soviet Union “are still highly active in this country engaged in espionage ... particularly against economic and technological targets.”40

 

As KGB defector Anatoliy Golitsyn revealed, however, espionage — the stealing of technology and state secrets — has always been of minor importance compared to the KGB’s primary purpose of strategic deception. Golitsyn, arguably the most important Soviet agent ever to defect to the West, exposed the inner workings and methodology of this critically important disinformation process. He demonstrated how, time after time, the Soviets had thoroughly deceived the West concerning developments in the USSR and Moscow’s geopolitical objectives. Through the use of elaborate, longrange programs of strategic deception, the Kremlin has been incredibly successful, he showed, at manipulating the policy decisions of Western governments.


Golitsyn’s signal warning to the West, New Lies For Old,41 published in the prophetic year 1984, has proven to be the most reliable and prescient commentary on the acclaimed changes in the communist world. Years before they occurred, Golitsyn predicted the “liberalization” policies in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the glasnost and perestroika campaigns, the rise of independence movements, the political restructuring, the ascendance of “liberal” leaders like Gorbachev and Yeltsin, the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, the breakup of the USSR, the dissolution of the Communist Party, the dismantling of the KGB, and many other developments.

 

He was able to do this with such uncanny accuracy because he had been involved, as a member of the KGB inner circle on strategic disinformation, in planning these types of deceptions. What Golitsyn apparently did not know was that the suicidal course we are taking is not so much the result of our leaders being duped by “masters of deceit” in the Kremlin as it is a case of one-world Insiders in the West, conjointly with his former KGB masters, deceiving the American public in order to build the ultimate monopoly: world government.


Space permitting, a great deal more evidence could be cited demonstrating the dangerous folly of current wishful thinking regarding the “demise” of the KGB. Suffice to say, the world’s most ruthless and bloody-handed police-state apparatus has not transformed itself into a benign bunch of Boy Scouts or a superfluous bureaucracy. Nor has it abandoned its “stock exchange of global intelligence operations” at the UN.

 


Notes

1. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, hearings before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 1952, pp. 407-08, quoted by G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master: A Second Look at the United Nations (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1964), p. 98.
2. Gary Allen, with Larry Abraham, None Dare Call It Conspiracy (Rossmoor,CA: Concord Press, 1971), p. 138.
3. Official 1936 program of the Communist International, recorded in hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, July 11, 1956, p. 196, quoted by Griffin, pp. 69-70.
4. Pravda, March 23, 1946, quoted by Robert W. Lee, The United Nations Conspiracy (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1981), p. 73.
5. William Z. Foster, Toward Soviet America (Balboa Island, CA: Elgin Publications, 1961), pp. 272, 326.
6. Earl Browder, Victory — and after (New York: International Publishers, 1942), p. 110.
7. Ibid., p. 160.
8. Ibid., p. 169.
9. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master: A Second Look at the United Nations (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1964), p. 75.
10. Ibid., pp. 76-7.
11. Bella V. Dodd, School of Darkness (New York: Devin-Adair, 1954), p. 179.
12. Griffin, p. 120.
13. Executive Hearings before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, May 13 and 14, 1953, Soviet Schedule For War — 1955 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1953), p. 1721.
14. Griffin, p. 87-106.
15. Louis F. Budenz, The Cry Is Peace (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1952), Whittaker Chambers, Witness (New York: Random House, 1952), Hede Massing, This Deception (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1951), and Allen Weinstein, Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case (New York: Vintage Books, 1978).
16. William H. McIlhany II, The Tax-Exempt Foundations (Westport, CT: Arlington House, 1980), p. 40.
17. Robert W. Lee, The United Nations Conspiracy (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1981), p. 20.
18. Los Angeles Times, April 7, 1970, quoted by Lee, p. 26-7.
19. John Barron, KGB: The Secret Work Of Soviet Secret Agents (New York: Reader’s Digest Press, 1974), p. 19.
20. Hilaire du Berrier, “The Multi-colored Kurt Waldheim,” The New American, June 2, 1986, p. 27.
21. John F. McManus, “Selective Blindness,” The Birch Log, April 8, 1976, republished as “Ahead of the Times,” The New American, April 7, 1986, p. 45.
22. Frederick Kempe, “Perez de Cuellar Wins U.N. New Respect,” Wall Street Journal, September 26, 1988, p. 22.
23. Javier Perez de Cuellar, Foreword to Frank Barnaby, Gaia Peace Atlas (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1988).
24. William P. Hoar, “Review of the News,” The New American, August 10, 1992, p. 11.
25. Los Angeles Times, May 4, 1963, quoted by Griffin, p. 73.
26. Chapman Pincher, The Secret Offensive (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), p. 129.
27. Ladislav Bittman, The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider’s View (McLean, VA: Pergamon-Brassey’s International Defense Publishers, 1985), pp. 56-7.
28. Pincher, p. 129.
29. Ibid., p. 204.
30. Ibid., p. 129-30.
31. Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky, KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), pp. 539-40.
32. Barron, KGB: The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents, p. 20.
33. John Barron, KGB Today: The Hidden Hand (New York: Reader’s Digest Press, 1983), p. 243-44.
34. Trygve Lie, In the Cause of Peace (New York: Macmillan Company, 1954), p. 57.
35. Ibid., pp. 58-60.
36. Ibid., pp. 113-14.
37. Zdzislaw Rurarz, “Yeltsin’s Police,” Washington Inquirer, January 4, 1992, p. 4.
38. Albert L. Weeks, “KGB’s Undiminished Power Haunts Russian Reform,” Washington Inquirer, April 17, 1992, pp. 1, 7.
39. Bill Gertz, “KGB targets U.S. businessmen, scientists to recruit them as spies,” The Washington Times, March 14, 1991.
40. Telephone interview with the author, October 19, 1992.
41. Anatoliy Golitsyn, New Lies For Old (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1984). For further information and perspective on developments in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe see: Edward J. Epstein, Deception: The Invisible War Between the KGB and the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989). Also see the following articles from The New American: Thomas R. Eddlem interview with Charles Via, chairman of the Center for Intelligence Studies, “Soviet Goals Remain the Same,” October 8, 1991; Thomas R. Eddlem, “Appearance Versus Reality,” October 22, 1991; Bryan J. Ellison, “Behind the Facade,” May 21, 1991; “Still the Masters of Deceit,” December 4, 1989, p. 37.

Back to Contents