by Steven M. Greer, MD
2006
Extracted from Nexus Magazine
Volume 13, Number 6 (October -
November 2006)
from
NexusMagazine Website
After my childhood and adult contact experiences, I formed CSETI
(Center for the Study of Extraterrestrial Intelligence) to
formalize contact protocols and teach them to other people, which we
do through the CSETI week-long trainings. I realized early on,
however, that there were human forces that could not be ignored
whose aim was to discourage or block peaceful interaction with
extraterrestrials.
My approach became two-pronged:
(1) to teach people how
to contact extraterrestrial civilizations in peace
(2) to bring out the
truth about the subject to governments, the military and the
general public.
I like to call my book Hidden Truth –
Forbidden Knowledge my personal disclosure, as it contains
highlights of my spiritual journey, my interaction with
extraterrestrial intelligence and with the so-called "secret
government". This chapter gives a glimpse into the entity
and how its members operate.
In 1993, before I briefed the CIA director, my contact for
meetings at high levels had suggested that we name our operation "Project
Starlight". So that's what it was called in the early days. The
philosophy behind it was to assemble absolutely the best evidence
that was available, which had been rigorously tested and proved, and
to identify military, corporate and intelligence witnesses to
programs and events. Then, with an iron-clad case in hand, we would
brief the President, the intelligence and military community,
Congress, the United Nations leadership and other leaders around the
world, in advance of disclosure.
We knew it was crucial at the very least to give the system a
chance. It's very important to understand that our intention was not
simply to go in like a bull in a china shop and bring all this very
sensitive information out, without first fully apprising the
constitutional leaders of the world and inviting their
participation. At the time, many people thought I was being silly
and naive, that "those people" would never get behind something this
controversial. But that's not the point!
The point is, from our perspective, that
we had a moral responsibility at least to give them an opportunity
to do the right thing—and if they didn't do the right thing, then it
would be on their consciences and not ours.
I felt strongly that we had the obligation to give these leaders the
current assessment of the situation and say to them,
"You need to take a leadership role,
if this is going to be accomplished by you and not by an outside
group [meaning,
The Disclosure Project and
CSETI]. You have an ideal
opportunity that has opened after the end of the Cold War to
break the cycle of misinformation, to make a fresh start."
After I met with the CIA director, a
contact set up a meeting between Senator Byrd's chief investigator
and counsel for the Senate Appropriations Committee and me.
Senator Byrd was then chairman of the committee and very
powerful. This man was named Dick D'Amato—not to be confused
with Senator D'Amato from New Jersey. Dick D'Amato had a Top
Secret clearance and had subpoena power from the Senate
Appropriations Committee.
We met in the Senate Appropriations Committee meeting room—a huge,
ornate room with a giant table and brass nameplates for each member
of the committee.
He proceeded to tell me:
"I've been asked by Senator Byrd and
some others to look into these things, and we've gotten close
enough to know that these projects do exist. But I'm telling you
that with a Top Secret clearance and a subpoena power
from the Senate Appropriations Committee, I cannot penetrate
those projects."
He looked at me—I'll never forget
it—and said, "You're dealing with the varsity team of all
black projects, so watch out. And good luck."
And that was the end of that.
Dick D'Amato and people like him know this is real, but they
cannot get their hands around it or control the expenditures.
Access to these projects has nothing to do with rank or position.
Access has to do with whether or not you are willing to go along
with the secrecy. That is the only criterion that matters: whether
you are willing to play along with the agenda.
Inside the
shadow government
Those who shouldn't be in control but are comprise an illegal,
rogue, break-off group that is transnational and whose members
are not only ruthless and murderous but operate completely without
any legal authority. When you're dealing with something as
fundamentally important as this, involving technologies as powerful
as those described, you begin to realize the risks to the world of
allowing this masquerade to go on, unchecked, decade after decade
after decade.
In 1994, an FOB (a friend of Bill Clinton) came to my
home after I had briefed the CIA director. He was a very
easygoing, affable guy.
He said,
"You know, everyone agrees with what
you're recommending, but there's a consensus that if the
President does what you've suggested to him and to the CIA
director—that they exert executive power to get inside this
operation and disclose it—the President will end up like Jack
Kennedy."
I thought he was joking, and, to be
honest with you, I laughed out loud. I truly thought, "Oh, come on."
But no, he was deadly serious. And he made it very clear that he was
serious.
So it went from crisis to crisis as I came to realize that the
government of the United States—and of every other nation—was really
hostage to an illegal, rogue group that had technologies that could
do circles around a B-2 Stealth bomber and could, at will,
terminate a presidency or terminate any other person who got in its
way. This was made very clear to me by people who were in the inner
circle of the greatest corridors of power on Earth.
Obviously, this weighed on me very heavily. I would say the period
between 1992 and 1998... those six years were extremely traumatic
for me. I would keep my chin up and publicly keep moving forward,
but on a deep personal level it was devastating. I never lost faith
in what we should do, but it was made very clear to me that the task
was enormous, that the hour was late and that the stakes could not
be greater.
You have to understand the compartmented nature of these
interlocking interests that are keeping all this secret. They are
mainly in the corporate, institutional, financial and technology
sectors. The government of "We, the People" is the least
important component of it, and this includes the military, the
CIA, the NSA, the NRO, Army intelligence, Air
Force intelligence—all of that is window dressing for an operation
that's quite outside it. The real action is a hybrid group that is
quasi-governmental but mostly privatized and utterly
transnational—and completely illegal.
Some of the chieftains of that group invited me to meet with them
after I had met with the CIA director. In advance of the meeting
with the CIA director, my contact to Woolsey was terrified by
the idea that anyone would find out about the meeting. He was doing
everything through FedEx, and he wanted me to talk with him on the
phone at telephone booths, talking in a code!
I said,
"We don't need to bother doing that,
because the group that we're up against has technologies that
can frustrate any system you can devise."
Well, he had been on the shortlist to be
Clinton's Secretary of the Navy. So he knew the spook world
fairly well. But he had been in the conventional military and
intelligence world. I knew what we were up against, but he didn't.
So he said,
"Oh, no, we have to do this. You're
just a doctor! I've been in all these circles, and we have to be
careful."
So I humored him. I tried to explain to
him that there was no way to frustrate the surveillance capabilities
of this covert group, because they had non-local, "scalar"
technologies that would enable them to bypass entire generations of
electronics. Even the state-of-the-art NSA and NRO
stuff is nothing compared to what they have, because what they have
are electronic interfaces with consciousness, where they can
monitor things in real time all the time. Well, he didn't know this.
I knew it and had remote-viewed them remote-viewing me.
So I went along with his game. But before I had the meeting on
December 13, 1993, someone who had been tied into these projects in
the military in Arizona came to me and said:
"I understand you're going to be
meeting with Jim Woolsey, the CIA director, about
such and such on this date." I said, "I won't confirm or deny
that, but isn't it interesting that you would comment on it?"
I reported this to my contact and had to
pull him off the ceiling! He went ballistic!
"How could this be found out?" I
said, "M.J., you haven't been listening."
The problem is that most people are too
arrogant to know what they don't know.
I should also mention that during my visit to New York in the winter
of 1994, while at the Hilton on Sixth Avenue, I got a phone call
from a "reporter". And he said:
"I'm a freelance reporter for
the Wall Street Journal. I understand you had a meeting
with Admiral Woolsey regarding UFOs and extraterrestrial
intelligence. What can you tell me about that?"
I didn't lie; I just asked a
rhetorical question: "Do you really think a sitting CIA director
would meet with a country doctor from North Carolina about a
subject like UFOs and extraterrestrials?"
And he said, "Well, no, I guess
not."
And I said, "Well, there you are."
I hung up, and that was the end of that.
But this experience revealed to me that the media community is also
mobbed up with intelligence people who are monitoring our
activities.
It was around this time, in early 1994, that a contract worker for
the covert shadow group that had a cell within the CIA called
me.
He said,
"Look, we really want to see you get
this done. Hurry up."
I said, "What do you mean, 'hurry
up'?"
He said, "We've been wanting someone
to appear who would do this for us; at least a third of the
people in this covert control group want to see this matter
disclosed, but we can't do it…"
I said, "Well, who the hell do you
think I am? I'm just a country doctor here in North Carolina. I
barely have a pot to pee in!"
He said, "Well, no, you don't
understand. We can only do things behind the scenes."
Eventually he flew in and met with me at
the Grove Park Inn, in Asheville. I'll never forget what he said to
me during this conversation:
"You know, if you want to get a
message to us or to the President, all you need to do is pick up
the phone. Don't dial anything—just talk. Or if you prefer, just
sit in your home office and talk to the four walls. Because it's
all being monitored in real time."
And I said, "Yes, I know."
And he asked, "Well, how do you know
that?"
I proceeded to tell him how they had
made errors and left their end of the hook or tap open a couple of
times. It's happened to my wife Emily, and it's happened to me. Once
when I picked up the home phone to make a call, I heard a control
room on the line. I could hear people talking instead of a dial
tone.
So I asked,
"Who is this?"
Then a woman with a very thick
foreign accent but speaking proper English said, "Oh, my God,
it's Mr Greer."
And I said, "Doctor Greer to you,
bitch."
And hung up!
In those days, I was outraged by these
things.
Now, I couldn't care less.
So I told this man, "Yes, I'm sure
that's true."
He said, "But, you know, this really
does need to happen."
I said, "But why don't you do it?"
And he said, "Oh, no, it's too
dangerous."
He said exactly what Laurance
Rockefeller had said to me in September, standing out on his
deck under the stars.
Competing
interests in the cabal
By now you see a theme that keeps repeating: there are extremely
well-connected people who are on the inside and who want to see
disclosure, but they're terrified of the rogue, violent group.
After this meeting, I got an invitation from a group of rogue
insiders to go to Phoenix in the winter of 1994. The meeting was at
the Wrigley Mansion—the old, fabulous mansion that the Wrigley
chewing gum family had built. It had been taken over by a cell
within this covert group. Present were a number of shadowy corporate
people. It was a very late night meeting.
A prominent industrialist who was involved with this cell was kept
on drugs and was kept under some kind of mind control while this
cell milked him of his money. They then used his money to support
this particular operation. The methods and motives of this group are
beyond dark.
I tell people:
"More than 10 or 15 per cent of what
I have seen and learned, you don't want to hear. It's so damned
disturbing, most people would commit suicide. And many people
have, by the way."
We all gathered around a conference
table in the Wrigley mansion. The discussion was about disclosing
UFO information and making contact with ETs. One man,
during a break, took me out onto a balcony and said:
"You know, we understand you've had
this meeting with the CIA director and are providing information
to the President, but you need to know that those people don't
know anything, and they're never going to know anything. You
should understand that, well, you should be talking to people
like us. The people dealing with this are people who do a lot of
contract work for the government, under 'Work For Others'—'WFO'—contracts.
And you should be talking to certain think-tanks. And you should
be talking to certain religious orders and certain orders of
Jesuit priests who have control over the technology transfer.
And you should be talking to..."
He gave me a whole list.
Well, I thought the man had certainly gone "round the bend". But it
turned out that every single word he said was true: all of it was
confirmed in the following months.
It gets more bizarre. This group or cell within the shadow
government was attempting to intercept what we were doing.
Remember, now, this is 1994. A former head of army intelligence—a
member of that group—had offered me a board seat in 1992. So, things
are progressing, and I'm not straying from my course because that's
how I am.
So this man said,
"We can really help you."
I asked, "What do you mean?"
He said, "Well, you know, if you
want to be supported in this, just let us help you."
I said, "How do you intend to help
us?"
"Well, you're a doctor, right? So,
you have really good credit. We've checked this out."
And I said, "Oh, yes, the best."
He said,
"Well, we know you have platinum
cards and gold cards. Just maximize all of them, every month:
$50,000, $100,000, whatever. Get as many of them as you want.
And give us the numbers. And since we run all the supercomputers
that back up and monitor the banking system of the world, we'll
simply erase those account balances to zero, as paid each
month."
This is a true story. I'm telling you,
every word is true. Put me under any drug; hook me up to any
machine. What I'm telling you is true.
I said, "Yes, but then if I did that, you'd own my ass, wouldn't
you?" He just had a twinkle in his eye.
I was much too wise to take that bait, tempting as it was. This has
been an enormous financial strain and struggle for those of us
trying to do this with virtually no funding. But no way was I going
to do that!
Then he said,
"I understand you're going to Europe
soon to meet with certain people connected to the British royal
family"—which I was.
He knew everything I was doing!
And I said,
"Well, that's true."
He said, "It so happens that I'm
going to be over there meeting with
the Rothschilds and the people
who control the Volvo Corporation and some of the other big
industrial concerns, because they're working with us."
I said, "Oh, I'm quite sure that's
true."
He suggested, "Let's rendezvous
while we're in London together."
I said, "Okay, that's fine."
He proceeded to tell me:
"One of my friends, who's really
interested in what you're doing, is one of the leaders of the
Council on Foreign Relations,
Ambassador Maxwell Rabb. Would you like to come to a
meeting with him?"
I said, "Well, sure, if he wants to
help us."
And then he said, "And also, the
Petersons—Mr Peterson was head of the Council on Foreign
Relations and his wife was head of
the Trilateral Commission—are
also working with me, and maybe we can get together with them."
So I said, "When we have our next
event, I'll invite them."
He said, "You need to know that all
these people are reading what you write and are very interested
in all of this."
And I said, "I know that."
Look, everyone puts their pants on one
leg at a time. I view all humans as educable. And everyone has a
role to play in this whole cosmic drama. But this shadowy contact
was essentially, again, inviting me into the inner leading circle of
the cabal. While I had no intention of being controlled by them, I
have no problem sharing perspective and knowledge with them.
He also said that there were many top
people that he worked with in the media and that his group worked
with Bono and U2, the Moody Blues, Pink Floyd and various other
groups. And they were receiving what I was writing.
And I just said,
"Well, I appreciate that."
He said, "They love what you are
saying and doing…"
Later that winter, I went to Europe and
met with some very good friends of Prince Charles and Prince
Philip. One of Prince Charles's best friends is very
supportive of the work we are doing. She wanted to receive some of
the materials that I had put together for the CIA director
and the President, so she could share them with Prince Charles and
others.
But remember, I was squeezing this in between my emergency shifts. I
literally, at times, went over to Europe for two or three days at a
time and would come back and have to work a 24-hour shift in the
emergency department!
In a sense, it was our own little shuttle diplomacy operation. I did
meet with this shadowy Phoenix contact in London. He was still in
the mode of courting me into his operations. So I would listen and
learn—but never capitulate.
This group is the largest Mafiosi and
organized criminal enterprise on the planet.
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