by Steven M. Greer, MD
Extracted from Nexus Magazine

Volume 13, Number 6 (October - November 2006)
from NexusMagazine Website

After my childhood and adult contact experiences, I formed CSETI (Center for the Study of Extraterrestrial Intelligence) to formalize contact protocols and teach them to other people, which we do through the CSETI week-long trainings. I realized early on, however, that there were human forces that could not be ignored whose aim was to discourage or block peaceful interaction with extraterrestrials.


My approach became two-pronged:

(1) to teach people how to contact extraterrestrial civilizations in peace

(2) to bring out the truth about the subject to governments, the military and the general public.

I like to call my book Hidden Truth – Forbidden Knowledge my personal disclosure, as it contains highlights of my spiritual journey, my interaction with extraterrestrial intelligence and with the so-called "secret government". This chapter gives a glimpse into the entity and how its members operate.

In 1993, before I briefed the CIA director, my contact for meetings at high levels had suggested that we name our operation "Project Starlight". So that's what it was called in the early days. The philosophy behind it was to assemble absolutely the best evidence that was available, which had been rigorously tested and proved, and to identify military, corporate and intelligence witnesses to programs and events. Then, with an iron-clad case in hand, we would brief the President, the intelligence and military community, Congress, the United Nations leadership and other leaders around the world, in advance of disclosure.

We knew it was crucial at the very least to give the system a chance. It's very important to understand that our intention was not simply to go in like a bull in a china shop and bring all this very sensitive information out, without first fully apprising the constitutional leaders of the world and inviting their participation. At the time, many people thought I was being silly and naive, that "those people" would never get behind something this controversial. But that's not the point!


The point is, from our perspective, that we had a moral responsibility at least to give them an opportunity to do the right thing—and if they didn't do the right thing, then it would be on their consciences and not ours.

I felt strongly that we had the obligation to give these leaders the current assessment of the situation and say to them,

"You need to take a leadership role, if this is going to be accomplished by you and not by an outside group [meaning, The Disclosure Project and CSETI]. You have an ideal opportunity that has opened after the end of the Cold War to break the cycle of misinformation, to make a fresh start."

After I met with the CIA director, a contact set up a meeting between Senator Byrd's chief investigator and counsel for the Senate Appropriations Committee and me. Senator Byrd was then chairman of the committee and very powerful. This man was named Dick D'Amato—not to be confused with Senator D'Amato from New Jersey. Dick D'Amato had a Top Secret clearance and had subpoena power from the Senate Appropriations Committee.

We met in the Senate Appropriations Committee meeting room—a huge, ornate room with a giant table and brass nameplates for each member of the committee.


He proceeded to tell me:

"I've been asked by Senator Byrd and some others to look into these things, and we've gotten close enough to know that these projects do exist. But I'm telling you that with a Top Secret clearance and a subpoena power from the Senate Appropriations Committee, I cannot penetrate those projects."


He looked at me—I'll never forget it—and said, "You're dealing with the varsity team of all black projects, so watch out. And good luck."

And that was the end of that.

Dick D'Amato and people like him know this is real, but they cannot get their hands around it or control the expenditures.
Access to these projects has nothing to do with rank or position. Access has to do with whether or not you are willing to go along with the secrecy. That is the only criterion that matters: whether you are willing to play along with the agenda.

Inside the shadow government

Those who shouldn't be in control but are comprise an illegal, rogue, break-off group that is transnational and whose members are not only ruthless and murderous but operate completely without any legal authority. When you're dealing with something as fundamentally important as this, involving technologies as powerful as those described, you begin to realize the risks to the world of allowing this masquerade to go on, unchecked, decade after decade after decade.

In 1994, an FOB (a friend of Bill Clinton) came to my home after I had briefed the CIA director. He was a very easygoing, affable guy.


He said,

"You know, everyone agrees with what you're recommending, but there's a consensus that if the President does what you've suggested to him and to the CIA director—that they exert executive power to get inside this operation and disclose it—the President will end up like Jack Kennedy."

I thought he was joking, and, to be honest with you, I laughed out loud. I truly thought, "Oh, come on." But no, he was deadly serious. And he made it very clear that he was serious.

So it went from crisis to crisis as I came to realize that the government of the United States—and of every other nation—was really hostage to an illegal, rogue group that had technologies that could do circles around a B-2 Stealth bomber and could, at will, terminate a presidency or terminate any other person who got in its way. This was made very clear to me by people who were in the inner circle of the greatest corridors of power on Earth.

Obviously, this weighed on me very heavily. I would say the period between 1992 and 1998... those six years were extremely traumatic for me. I would keep my chin up and publicly keep moving forward, but on a deep personal level it was devastating. I never lost faith in what we should do, but it was made very clear to me that the task was enormous, that the hour was late and that the stakes could not be greater.

You have to understand the compartmented nature of these interlocking interests that are keeping all this secret. They are mainly in the corporate, institutional, financial and technology sectors. The government of "We, the People" is the least important component of it, and this includes the military, the CIA, the NSA, the NRO, Army intelligence, Air Force intelligence—all of that is window dressing for an operation that's quite outside it. The real action is a hybrid group that is quasi-governmental but mostly privatized and utterly transnational—and completely illegal.

Some of the chieftains of that group invited me to meet with them after I had met with the CIA director. In advance of the meeting with the CIA director, my contact to Woolsey was terrified by the idea that anyone would find out about the meeting. He was doing everything through FedEx, and he wanted me to talk with him on the phone at telephone booths, talking in a code!


I said,

"We don't need to bother doing that, because the group that we're up against has technologies that can frustrate any system you can devise."

Well, he had been on the shortlist to be Clinton's Secretary of the Navy. So he knew the spook world fairly well. But he had been in the conventional military and intelligence world. I knew what we were up against, but he didn't.


So he said,

"Oh, no, we have to do this. You're just a doctor! I've been in all these circles, and we have to be careful."

So I humored him. I tried to explain to him that there was no way to frustrate the surveillance capabilities of this covert group, because they had non-local, "scalar" technologies that would enable them to bypass entire generations of electronics. Even the state-of-the-art NSA and NRO stuff is nothing compared to what they have, because what they have are electronic interfaces with consciousness, where they can monitor things in real time all the time. Well, he didn't know this. I knew it and had remote-viewed them remote-viewing me.

So I went along with his game. But before I had the meeting on December 13, 1993, someone who had been tied into these projects in the military in Arizona came to me and said:

"I understand you're going to be meeting with Jim Woolsey, the CIA director, about such and such on this date." I said, "I won't confirm or deny that, but isn't it interesting that you would comment on it?"

I reported this to my contact and had to pull him off the ceiling! He went ballistic!

"How could this be found out?" I said, "M.J., you haven't been listening."

The problem is that most people are too arrogant to know what they don't know.

I should also mention that during my visit to New York in the winter of 1994, while at the Hilton on Sixth Avenue, I got a phone call from a "reporter". And he said:

 "I'm a freelance reporter for the Wall Street Journal. I understand you had a meeting with Admiral Woolsey regarding UFOs and extraterrestrial intelligence. What can you tell me about that?"

I didn't lie; I just asked a rhetorical question: "Do you really think a sitting CIA director would meet with a country doctor from North Carolina about a subject like UFOs and extraterrestrials?"

And he said, "Well, no, I guess not."

And I said, "Well, there you are."

I hung up, and that was the end of that. But this experience revealed to me that the media community is also mobbed up with intelligence people who are monitoring our activities.

It was around this time, in early 1994, that a contract worker for the covert shadow group that had a cell within the CIA called me.


He said,

"Look, we really want to see you get this done. Hurry up."

I said, "What do you mean, 'hurry up'?"

He said, "We've been wanting someone to appear who would do this for us; at least a third of the people in this covert control group want to see this matter disclosed, but we can't do it…"

I said, "Well, who the hell do you think I am? I'm just a country doctor here in North Carolina. I barely have a pot to pee in!"

He said, "Well, no, you don't understand. We can only do things behind the scenes."

Eventually he flew in and met with me at the Grove Park Inn, in Asheville. I'll never forget what he said to me during this conversation:

"You know, if you want to get a message to us or to the President, all you need to do is pick up the phone. Don't dial anything—just talk. Or if you prefer, just sit in your home office and talk to the four walls. Because it's all being monitored in real time."

And I said, "Yes, I know."

And he asked, "Well, how do you know that?"

I proceeded to tell him how they had made errors and left their end of the hook or tap open a couple of times. It's happened to my wife Emily, and it's happened to me. Once when I picked up the home phone to make a call, I heard a control room on the line. I could hear people talking instead of a dial tone.


So I asked,

"Who is this?"

Then a woman with a very thick foreign accent but speaking proper English said, "Oh, my God, it's Mr Greer."

And I said, "Doctor Greer to you, bitch."

And hung up!

In those days, I was outraged by these things.


Now, I couldn't care less.

So I told this man, "Yes, I'm sure that's true."

He said, "But, you know, this really does need to happen."

I said, "But why don't you do it?"

And he said, "Oh, no, it's too dangerous."

He said exactly what Laurance Rockefeller had said to me in September, standing out on his deck under the stars.

Competing interests in the cabal

By now you see a theme that keeps repeating: there are extremely well-connected people who are on the inside and who want to see disclosure, but they're terrified of the rogue, violent group.

After this meeting, I got an invitation from a group of rogue insiders to go to Phoenix in the winter of 1994. The meeting was at the Wrigley Mansion—the old, fabulous mansion that the Wrigley chewing gum family had built. It had been taken over by a cell within this covert group. Present were a number of shadowy corporate people. It was a very late night meeting.

A prominent industrialist who was involved with this cell was kept on drugs and was kept under some kind of mind control while this cell milked him of his money. They then used his money to support this particular operation. The methods and motives of this group are beyond dark.


I tell people:

"More than 10 or 15 per cent of what I have seen and learned, you don't want to hear. It's so damned disturbing, most people would commit suicide. And many people have, by the way."

We all gathered around a conference table in the Wrigley mansion. The discussion was about disclosing UFO information and making contact with ETs. One man, during a break, took me out onto a balcony and said:

"You know, we understand you've had this meeting with the CIA director and are providing information to the President, but you need to know that those people don't know anything, and they're never going to know anything. You should understand that, well, you should be talking to people like us. The people dealing with this are people who do a lot of contract work for the government, under 'Work For Others'—'WFO'—contracts. And you should be talking to certain think-tanks. And you should be talking to certain religious orders and certain orders of Jesuit priests who have control over the technology transfer. And you should be talking to..."

He gave me a whole list.

Well, I thought the man had certainly gone "round the bend". But it turned out that every single word he said was true: all of it was confirmed in the following months.

It gets more bizarre. This group or cell within the shadow government was attempting to intercept what we were doing. Remember, now, this is 1994. A former head of army intelligence—a member of that group—had offered me a board seat in 1992. So, things are progressing, and I'm not straying from my course because that's how I am.

So this man said,

"We can really help you."

I asked, "What do you mean?"

He said, "Well, you know, if you want to be supported in this, just let us help you."

I said, "How do you intend to help us?"

"Well, you're a doctor, right? So, you have really good credit. We've checked this out."

And I said, "Oh, yes, the best."

He said,

"Well, we know you have platinum cards and gold cards. Just maximize all of them, every month: $50,000, $100,000, whatever. Get as many of them as you want. And give us the numbers. And since we run all the supercomputers that back up and monitor the banking system of the world, we'll simply erase those account balances to zero, as paid each month."

This is a true story. I'm telling you, every word is true. Put me under any drug; hook me up to any machine. What I'm telling you is true.

I said, "Yes, but then if I did that, you'd own my ass, wouldn't you?" He just had a twinkle in his eye.

I was much too wise to take that bait, tempting as it was. This has been an enormous financial strain and struggle for those of us trying to do this with virtually no funding. But no way was I going to do that!

Then he said,

"I understand you're going to Europe soon to meet with certain people connected to the British royal family"—which I was.

He knew everything I was doing!


And I said,

"Well, that's true."

He said, "It so happens that I'm going to be over there meeting with the Rothschilds and the people who control the Volvo Corporation and some of the other big industrial concerns, because they're working with us."

I said, "Oh, I'm quite sure that's true."

He suggested, "Let's rendezvous while we're in London together."

I said, "Okay, that's fine."

He proceeded to tell me:

"One of my friends, who's really interested in what you're doing, is one of the leaders of the Council on Foreign Relations, Ambassador Maxwell Rabb. Would you like to come to a meeting with him?"

I said, "Well, sure, if he wants to help us."

And then he said, "And also, the Petersons—Mr Peterson was head of the Council on Foreign Relations and his wife was head of the Trilateral Commission—are also working with me, and maybe we can get together with them."

So I said, "When we have our next event, I'll invite them."

He said, "You need to know that all these people are reading what you write and are very interested in all of this."

And I said, "I know that."

Look, everyone puts their pants on one leg at a time. I view all humans as educable. And everyone has a role to play in this whole cosmic drama. But this shadowy contact was essentially, again, inviting me into the inner leading circle of the cabal. While I had no intention of being controlled by them, I have no problem sharing perspective and knowledge with them.

He also said that there were many top people that he worked with in the media and that his group worked with Bono and U2, the Moody Blues, Pink Floyd and various other groups. And they were receiving what I was writing.


And I just said,

"Well, I appreciate that."

He said, "They love what you are saying and doing…"

Later that winter, I went to Europe and met with some very good friends of Prince Charles and Prince Philip. One of Prince Charles's best friends is very supportive of the work we are doing. She wanted to receive some of the materials that I had put together for the CIA director and the President, so she could share them with Prince Charles and others.

But remember, I was squeezing this in between my emergency shifts. I literally, at times, went over to Europe for two or three days at a time and would come back and have to work a 24-hour shift in the emergency department!

In a sense, it was our own little shuttle diplomacy operation. I did meet with this shadowy Phoenix contact in London. He was still in the mode of courting me into his operations. So I would listen and learn—but never capitulate.


This group is the largest Mafiosi and organized criminal enterprise on the planet.